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IMPROVING THE LIVES OF BLACK PEOPLE THROUGH
AWARENESS, KNOWLEDGE AND EDUCATION
IMPROVING THE LIVES OF BLACK PEOPLE THROUGH
AWARENESS, KNOWLEDGE AND EDUCATION
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| Board of Directors Director Stacey F. Johnson Assistant to the Director Open Position Secretary Open Position Treasurer Open Position |
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Everywhere you find a statistic on the lives of African American Males and thusly,
the future of the African American family, you see words like “grim”, “at-risk”, and
“endangered species”.
Almost 100 years ago educator and civil rights attorney Charles Hamilton
Houston said of Black people and education, “Without education, there is no
hope for our people and without hope, our future is lost”.
the future of the African American family, you see words like “grim”, “at-risk”, and
“endangered species”.
Almost 100 years ago educator and civil rights attorney Charles Hamilton
Houston said of Black people and education, “Without education, there is no
hope for our people and without hope, our future is lost”.
Statistics we can no longer ignore
The Black Man in America
The Black Man in America
Education
In 2003, The American Council on Education
reported that 25% of the 1.9 million Black men
between ages 18 and 24 attended college in this
year. 35% of Black women of the same age
attended college. The graduation rate of the same
year for Black men was the lowest. The statistics for
other races in comparison to Blacks are listed below:
35% Black Men
59% White Men
45% Black Women
46% Hispanics
41% American Indian
In 2004, a study showed that of all the LVN’s in the
U.S. Of American decent 87% were Caucasian and
4.9% were African American.
A study performed by The Henry J. Kaiser Family
Foundation published in 2006 reports that in 2004
there were 4.5 million African American males
between the ages of 15 and 29 living in the U. S.,
about 14% of all men of this age group. Fewer than
8% have graduated from college to 17% of Whites
and 35% of Asians.
People with more education tend to have higher
incomes yet the Kaiser report finds that in 2002
African Americans with the same education as
Whites made less.
In 2003, The American Council on Education
reported that 25% of the 1.9 million Black men
between ages 18 and 24 attended college in this
year. 35% of Black women of the same age
attended college. The graduation rate of the same
year for Black men was the lowest. The statistics for
other races in comparison to Blacks are listed below:
35% Black Men
59% White Men
45% Black Women
46% Hispanics
41% American Indian
In 2004, a study showed that of all the LVN’s in the
U.S. Of American decent 87% were Caucasian and
4.9% were African American.
A study performed by The Henry J. Kaiser Family
Foundation published in 2006 reports that in 2004
there were 4.5 million African American males
between the ages of 15 and 29 living in the U. S.,
about 14% of all men of this age group. Fewer than
8% have graduated from college to 17% of Whites
and 35% of Asians.
People with more education tend to have higher
incomes yet the Kaiser report finds that in 2002
African Americans with the same education as
Whites made less.
The African American Male and the Criminal Justice System
In 1999, there were 757,000 Black men in Federal, State or local prisons to the 604,200
enrolled in institutes of higher learning. There were 25% more men in prison putting there
future on hold than those working on a promising future.
In 2004, 41% of all inmates were Black while making up only 14% of the U. S. Population.
In this same year, African American males made up three times the prison population than
Hispanics and seven times that of Whites.
A 1999 study labeled “The Crisis of the Young African American Male and the Criminal
Justice System” by Marc Mauer, Assistant Director of The Sentencing Project, details in
great length the epidemic of the Black male and the criminal justice system. This report
was prepared at the request of the U. S. Commission on Civil Rights and reports the
following:
“A series of studies have demonstrated that the race of both the victim and offender has
significant impact on the determination of a sentence of death as opposed to life in prison.
Murder defendants charged with killing Whites faced a 4.3 times greater chance of
receiving death than those charged with killing Blacks”.
Mauer further reports that African American males have suffered disproportionately from
social
ills. These have included education, housing, employment, and health care, among others.
Perhaps in no other area, though, have these problems been displayed as prominently as in
the
realm of crime and the criminal justice system.
These conditions now disproportionately affect African American males and other minorities
due
to their overwhelming numbers within the criminal justice system. The state of these
disproportions can be seen in the following:
49% of prison inmates nationally are African American, compared to their 13% share of the
overall population.
Nearly one in three (32%) black males in the age group 20-29 is under some form of criminal
justice supervision on any given day -- either in prison or jail, or on probation or parole.
As of 1995, one in fourteen (7%) adult black males was incarcerated in prison or jail on any
given day, representing a doubling of this rate from 1985. The 1995 figure for white males
was 1%.
A black male born in 1991 has a 29% chance of spending time in prison at some point in his
life. The figure for white males is 4%, and for Hispanics, 16%.
The Mauer reports explains that the disparity for this is reflected in issues related to crime
rates, race and class effects, bias within the criminal justice system and recent drug
policies.
In 1999, there were 757,000 Black men in Federal, State or local prisons to the 604,200
enrolled in institutes of higher learning. There were 25% more men in prison putting there
future on hold than those working on a promising future.
In 2004, 41% of all inmates were Black while making up only 14% of the U. S. Population.
In this same year, African American males made up three times the prison population than
Hispanics and seven times that of Whites.
A 1999 study labeled “The Crisis of the Young African American Male and the Criminal
Justice System” by Marc Mauer, Assistant Director of The Sentencing Project, details in
great length the epidemic of the Black male and the criminal justice system. This report
was prepared at the request of the U. S. Commission on Civil Rights and reports the
following:
“A series of studies have demonstrated that the race of both the victim and offender has
significant impact on the determination of a sentence of death as opposed to life in prison.
Murder defendants charged with killing Whites faced a 4.3 times greater chance of
receiving death than those charged with killing Blacks”.
Mauer further reports that African American males have suffered disproportionately from
social
ills. These have included education, housing, employment, and health care, among others.
Perhaps in no other area, though, have these problems been displayed as prominently as in
the
realm of crime and the criminal justice system.
These conditions now disproportionately affect African American males and other minorities
due
to their overwhelming numbers within the criminal justice system. The state of these
disproportions can be seen in the following:
49% of prison inmates nationally are African American, compared to their 13% share of the
overall population.
Nearly one in three (32%) black males in the age group 20-29 is under some form of criminal
justice supervision on any given day -- either in prison or jail, or on probation or parole.
As of 1995, one in fourteen (7%) adult black males was incarcerated in prison or jail on any
given day, representing a doubling of this rate from 1985. The 1995 figure for white males
was 1%.
A black male born in 1991 has a 29% chance of spending time in prison at some point in his
life. The figure for white males is 4%, and for Hispanics, 16%.
The Mauer reports explains that the disparity for this is reflected in issues related to crime
rates, race and class effects, bias within the criminal justice system and recent drug
policies.
Crime Rates
It makes since that persons who do the most crime should do the most time. In 1999, it was
reported that 32% of all arrest attributed to property offenses were committed by African
Americans and 43% of all violent crime offenses resulted in an arrest of an African American.
In 1999, African American’s comprised of only 13% of the total U. S. Population.
It should be noted that 76% of the higher Black rate of incarceration was attributed to the fact
that the crime committed was serious in nature, which in all likelihood would have brought
with it an arrest and incarceration. One set of offenses that Mauer saw as an exception to the
“serious offense” issue were those involving drug offenses. At this time in our history, any drug
offense was seen as a “serious offense”.
Other prominent sociologists have performed an analysis of the incarceration data.
Sociologists Robert Cruthchfield, George Bridges and Susan Pitchford have stated that while
crime rates play a factor on the level of incarceration, law enforcement practices and
sentencing legislation play a role as well.
The second factor affecting the higher rate of incarceration based on crime rates, is the
offenders previous criminal history. The more serious the previous crime, the greater the
likelihood of receiving prison time for the subsequent offense. It is for this reason that we stress
the importance of the young African American male staying away from those behaviors that
will most likely place the young male in the face of Law Enforcement. More so for the African
American male than for any other race, once a criminal record has been established (on any
level), it will always come back to haunt him.
The Maurer Report credits the “Driving While Black” syndrome as a contributing factor across
the country in the establishment and increase of African Americans in acquiring a criminal
record faster than Whites.
It makes since that persons who do the most crime should do the most time. In 1999, it was
reported that 32% of all arrest attributed to property offenses were committed by African
Americans and 43% of all violent crime offenses resulted in an arrest of an African American.
In 1999, African American’s comprised of only 13% of the total U. S. Population.
It should be noted that 76% of the higher Black rate of incarceration was attributed to the fact
that the crime committed was serious in nature, which in all likelihood would have brought
with it an arrest and incarceration. One set of offenses that Mauer saw as an exception to the
“serious offense” issue were those involving drug offenses. At this time in our history, any drug
offense was seen as a “serious offense”.
Other prominent sociologists have performed an analysis of the incarceration data.
Sociologists Robert Cruthchfield, George Bridges and Susan Pitchford have stated that while
crime rates play a factor on the level of incarceration, law enforcement practices and
sentencing legislation play a role as well.
The second factor affecting the higher rate of incarceration based on crime rates, is the
offenders previous criminal history. The more serious the previous crime, the greater the
likelihood of receiving prison time for the subsequent offense. It is for this reason that we stress
the importance of the young African American male staying away from those behaviors that
will most likely place the young male in the face of Law Enforcement. More so for the African
American male than for any other race, once a criminal record has been established (on any
level), it will always come back to haunt him.
The Maurer Report credits the “Driving While Black” syndrome as a contributing factor across
the country in the establishment and increase of African Americans in acquiring a criminal
record faster than Whites.
Race and Class Effects
The Sentencing Project reports the following:
“ O.J. Simpson illustrated so clearly, discussions of race and the criminal justice
system are often heavily overlaid with considerations of class as well. Racial disparities are
related in part to the volume of crime committed by various groups, but they are also a function
of differing forms of treatment that relate to the background and resources of the offender.
Criminologist Delbert Elliott has conducted analyses of youthful offending and its relation to
race and class. In longitudinal studies of data from the National Youth Survey he has found
several intriguing patterns:
Self-reported rates of offending behavior by young males are high across all racial groups,
with 42% of males reporting that they have engaged in some form of violent offending –
aggravated assault, robbery, or rape – by the age of 27.
Black males engage in serious violent offending at higher rates than white males, but not
dramatically so. By age 27, 48% of black males have reported at least one instance of such
behavior, compared to 38% of white males, a ratio of about 5:4. For lower class males, the
differences are even smaller, about 7:6 black to white.
Offenses by blacks are more likely to lead to arrest than those of whites. While the self reported
involvement of adolescent males represents a 3:2 black/white differential, the arrest
ratio is 4:1.
While there are no dramatic differences in the degree to which blacks and whites become
involved in offending at some point, blacks are nearly twice as likely to continue offending
into their twenties. The key variable in this regard is the adoption of adult roles. Thus,
among young adults who are employed or living in a stable relationship there are no
significant differences in the persistence of offending by race.
Overall, these studies suggest that while criminal behavior cuts across race and class lines, the
societal response to these behaviors may significantly influence the course of a potential criminal
career. Decisions regarding the most effective balance of responses by law enforcement, social
services, and community intervention are critical in determining many of these outcomes. “
The Sentencing Project reports the following:
“ O.J. Simpson illustrated so clearly, discussions of race and the criminal justice
system are often heavily overlaid with considerations of class as well. Racial disparities are
related in part to the volume of crime committed by various groups, but they are also a function
of differing forms of treatment that relate to the background and resources of the offender.
Criminologist Delbert Elliott has conducted analyses of youthful offending and its relation to
race and class. In longitudinal studies of data from the National Youth Survey he has found
several intriguing patterns:
Self-reported rates of offending behavior by young males are high across all racial groups,
with 42% of males reporting that they have engaged in some form of violent offending –
aggravated assault, robbery, or rape – by the age of 27.
Black males engage in serious violent offending at higher rates than white males, but not
dramatically so. By age 27, 48% of black males have reported at least one instance of such
behavior, compared to 38% of white males, a ratio of about 5:4. For lower class males, the
differences are even smaller, about 7:6 black to white.
Offenses by blacks are more likely to lead to arrest than those of whites. While the self reported
involvement of adolescent males represents a 3:2 black/white differential, the arrest
ratio is 4:1.
While there are no dramatic differences in the degree to which blacks and whites become
involved in offending at some point, blacks are nearly twice as likely to continue offending
into their twenties. The key variable in this regard is the adoption of adult roles. Thus,
among young adults who are employed or living in a stable relationship there are no
significant differences in the persistence of offending by race.
Overall, these studies suggest that while criminal behavior cuts across race and class lines, the
societal response to these behaviors may significantly influence the course of a potential criminal
career. Decisions regarding the most effective balance of responses by law enforcement, social
services, and community intervention are critical in determining many of these outcomes. “
Biases in the Criminal Justice System
Mauer reports and we agree that the criminal justice system has historically served as an
instrument for societal racism. “A long legacy of practices such as the convict leasing system,
extra-judicial lynching, and police brutality have shaped the history of African Americans and
the criminal justice system. “ Though many things have changed over the years things have
worsened over time.
A review of prosecutorial decision-making conducted by John Hagan and Ruth Peterson
suggests that prosecutors stereotype cases according to case-specific characteristics, by making
racially biased
assessments of the credibility of the victim and offender as witnesses. Nonwhite victims tend to
be considered less credible witnesses, while white victims, especially of nonwhite defendants,
are considered highly credible.”
Drug Policies
The Mauer report gives an excellent breakdown of the current drug legislation and how it has
dramatically contributed to the increase in Black incarceration rates as follows:
“Since 1980, the “war on drugs” has been the most significant factor contributing to the rise of
prison and jail populations. Drug policies have also had a disproportionate impact on African
Americans and have exacerbated the racial disparities that already existed within the criminal
justice system. This has come about in two ways: first, drug offenses overall have increased as a
proportion of the criminal justice population and, second, the proportion of African Americans
among drug offenders has been increasing.
From 1980 to 1995, drug arrests nationally nearly tripled from 581,000 to 1,476,000, thus
bringing nearly a million additional drug cases to the court system each year. Over the course of
this period, drug cases came to be treated much more harshly. Primarily as a result of mandatory
sentencing policies adopted by all fifty states and the federal government, convicted drug
offenders are now far more likely to be sentenced to prison than in the past. Justice Department
data reveal that the chances of a drug arrestee being sentenced to prison rose by 447% between
1980 and 1992.
The combined impact of increased drug arrests along with harsher sentencing policies has led to
a vast expansion of drug offenders in the nation’s prisons and jails. Whereas in 1980, one of
every sixteen state prison inmates was incarcerated for a drug offense, by 1995, one of every four
prisoners was a drug offender. The increase from 19,000 drug offenders in 1980 to 225,000 in
1995 represented more than a 1000% increase in this fifteen-year period.
While the numbers of inmates in the federal prison system are smaller overall, the scale of the
increase has been similar. The 4,900 federal drug offenders in 1980 represented 25% of the
inmate population. This grew to 51,700, or 60%, by 1995. Looking at prisons and jails
combined, there are now an estimated 400,000 inmates either awaiting trial or serving time for a
drug offense, out of a total inmate population of 1.7 million.
As these policies have been implemented, they have increasingly affected African American
and
Hispanic communities. The African American proportion of drug arrests has risen from 25% in
1980 to 37% in 1995. Hispanic and African American inmates are more likely than non-
Hispanic whites to be incarcerated for a drug offense. As of 1991, 33% of Hispanic state prison
inmates had been convicted of a drug offense, 25% of blacks, and 12% of non-Hispanic whites.”
Mauer reports and we agree that the criminal justice system has historically served as an
instrument for societal racism. “A long legacy of practices such as the convict leasing system,
extra-judicial lynching, and police brutality have shaped the history of African Americans and
the criminal justice system. “ Though many things have changed over the years things have
worsened over time.
A review of prosecutorial decision-making conducted by John Hagan and Ruth Peterson
suggests that prosecutors stereotype cases according to case-specific characteristics, by making
racially biased
assessments of the credibility of the victim and offender as witnesses. Nonwhite victims tend to
be considered less credible witnesses, while white victims, especially of nonwhite defendants,
are considered highly credible.”
Drug Policies
The Mauer report gives an excellent breakdown of the current drug legislation and how it has
dramatically contributed to the increase in Black incarceration rates as follows:
“Since 1980, the “war on drugs” has been the most significant factor contributing to the rise of
prison and jail populations. Drug policies have also had a disproportionate impact on African
Americans and have exacerbated the racial disparities that already existed within the criminal
justice system. This has come about in two ways: first, drug offenses overall have increased as a
proportion of the criminal justice population and, second, the proportion of African Americans
among drug offenders has been increasing.
From 1980 to 1995, drug arrests nationally nearly tripled from 581,000 to 1,476,000, thus
bringing nearly a million additional drug cases to the court system each year. Over the course of
this period, drug cases came to be treated much more harshly. Primarily as a result of mandatory
sentencing policies adopted by all fifty states and the federal government, convicted drug
offenders are now far more likely to be sentenced to prison than in the past. Justice Department
data reveal that the chances of a drug arrestee being sentenced to prison rose by 447% between
1980 and 1992.
The combined impact of increased drug arrests along with harsher sentencing policies has led to
a vast expansion of drug offenders in the nation’s prisons and jails. Whereas in 1980, one of
every sixteen state prison inmates was incarcerated for a drug offense, by 1995, one of every four
prisoners was a drug offender. The increase from 19,000 drug offenders in 1980 to 225,000 in
1995 represented more than a 1000% increase in this fifteen-year period.
While the numbers of inmates in the federal prison system are smaller overall, the scale of the
increase has been similar. The 4,900 federal drug offenders in 1980 represented 25% of the
inmate population. This grew to 51,700, or 60%, by 1995. Looking at prisons and jails
combined, there are now an estimated 400,000 inmates either awaiting trial or serving time for a
drug offense, out of a total inmate population of 1.7 million.
As these policies have been implemented, they have increasingly affected African American
and
Hispanic communities. The African American proportion of drug arrests has risen from 25% in
1980 to 37% in 1995. Hispanic and African American inmates are more likely than non-
Hispanic whites to be incarcerated for a drug offense. As of 1991, 33% of Hispanic state prison
inmates had been convicted of a drug offense, 25% of blacks, and 12% of non-Hispanic whites.”
Other factors negatively effecting the African American Male
Unemployment rates for African American males are twice that of White males.
20% of African American males live in poverty.
4 out of every 10 African American males is uninsured
African American males die at a rate of 1.5 faster than do White males and three times faster than
Asians do
While death rates drop for males between the ages of 25-29 for most groups, it continues to rise for
young African American males.
For African American males, more deaths are caused by homicide.
HIV is the sixth leading cause of death for African American and Hispanic males but not on the top
ten leading causes for every other race.
In conclusion, Marc Mauer, Assistant Director of The Sentencing Project emphasizes that
documenting the extent of the problem and by examining the factors associated with the lives of
young African American men who avoid problems and lead successful lives, policy makers will be
better equipped to develop and implement solutions.
Unemployment rates for African American males are twice that of White males.
20% of African American males live in poverty.
4 out of every 10 African American males is uninsured
African American males die at a rate of 1.5 faster than do White males and three times faster than
Asians do
While death rates drop for males between the ages of 25-29 for most groups, it continues to rise for
young African American males.
For African American males, more deaths are caused by homicide.
HIV is the sixth leading cause of death for African American and Hispanic males but not on the top
ten leading causes for every other race.
In conclusion, Marc Mauer, Assistant Director of The Sentencing Project emphasizes that
documenting the extent of the problem and by examining the factors associated with the lives of
young African American men who avoid problems and lead successful lives, policy makers will be
better equipped to develop and implement solutions.
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